Community Policing of the Underground Economy

In chapter five of "Off the Books", the author describes how Pastor Wilkins set up a weekly meeting with Big Cat and a select few community members in order to facilitate disputes between the citizens of Maquis Park and the gang. Despite the fact that the non-gang members of the community disliked and were fearful of gang activity, the police and legislation of the area did little to remove the problem. Additionally, as we know, the "legit" economy of Maquis Park is not sufficient to provide the citizens' their livlihoods and survival more often than not depended on the "shady economy". As these two things--the gang and the shady economy--were seemingly permanent and definitely interconnected features of the town which the authorities had little power to change or control, there had to be some form of order. We often think of these underground dealings as this lawless place, but even Big Cat was willing (though grudgingly) to attend weekly meetings and confront the citizens that he simultaneously supported and threatened. To our largely middle- and upper-class sensibilities, that some form of law and order could exist among an illegal culture is hard to fathom, but it is that arena that most concretely benefits from such a community task force! As the author explains so well, the underground economy isn't all that we on the outside think it to be.

Although this community discussion board had its problems and became increasingly stressful for those involved, it seems an admirable solution (at least in part) to the structurally ingrained issues that arose out of the community's poverty and gang affiliation. Pastor Wilkins, Marlene, and the other community members (and even Big Cat, though he was the cause of many of the problems discussed) put themselves on the line, trying to do what was right for the community given the circumstances. What really made me mad was the fact that many of these community leaders were already under police scrutiny for similar endeavors, potentially being charged with "colluding with gangs and facilitating drug trafficking" (343). Of course the meetings made the problems surrounding such transactions go smoother, but that would exist with or without community intervention. These leaders are stuck in double jeopardy; if they don't try to facilitate disputes then the problems will persist, and if they do they could possibly be in trouble with law enforcement. Once again we see how decisions made at the "top" often ignore the realities of the issues at the "bottom", and how the problems of the community are often more structural than they are personal.